Likud,
Labor and the debate over a Palestinian State
by Sara Bedein
(May 21, 2002)
Subsequent to the unprecedented US endorsement of the creation
of an independent Palestinian state, alongside the state of Israel,
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon recently stated that, under stringent
conditions, he would agree to the establishment of such a state,
even at one point calling it "inevitable".
Polls show that more and more people in Israel would acquiesce
to a Palestinian state, without being aware of the numerous implications
of such a move. Most people are ready to see a Palestinian sovereign
state, yet reject the idea of a Palestinian army on the hills overlooking
Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, without realizing that it would be difficult,
or impossible, to insist on a demilitarized Palestininan state.
There has been very little coverage both in the world media and
in local Israeli news about what the full implications of a Palestinian
state would mean for the defense and security of the State of Israel,
especially if IDF and Intelligence sources continue to define the
potential state as being hostile to Israel.
Defense & Air Space
Gen. Thomas Kelly, director of operations for the US Joint Chiefs
of Staff during the Gulf War, said of a visit to the Judea-Samaria
mountain range, "I look out from those heights and look on
to the West Bank, and say to myself, 'If I'm the chief of staff
of the Israeli Defense Forces, I cannot defend this land without
that terrain."'
Settlements
250,000 Israelis have built their homes and created flourishing
communities with advanced schools, businesses and infrastructure
in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip (including the Jordan Valley).
There are various proposals for creating blocs of Jewish communities
in the disputed territories, from slight to drastic changes of the
existing map. These raise both economic and demographic problems,
whichever solution is adopted, as well as issues of Jewish historical
and religious connection to the land.
Jerusalem
Under an interim agreement, it might be possible to approach this
major issue at a later stage, but if a Palestinian state is declared
soon, there is currently no mutually acceptable proposal that could
be configured within a document of arrangement.
Likud
The background of the Likud Central Committee's vote against the
establishment of a Palestinian state on May 12th, 2002 is as follows:
Less than a decade ago it would have been inconceivable that the
center-right Likud Party would find it necessary to take a vote
on the issue of the establishment of a Palestinian State. The Likud
was always firmly opposed to the establishment of a Palestinian
state and its opposition to that state has appeared in every Likud
platform in election campaigns, including the most recent one (2001).
Yet this time a formal vote was taken, and the Likud Central Party
voted almost unanimously against the establishment of any Palestinian
state, following a vote by 59% of the Likud central committee to
reject Prime Minister Sharon's initial proposal to not take any
decision on the issue. While the media widely reported the split
in the Likud over Sharon's proposal to delay any decision in this
regard, the press downplayed the near unanimous decision of the
Likud central committee to reject any Palestinian state.
The issues that former Likud Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu
brought to the attention of the Likud Central Committee included
his warnings that an independent Palestinian state would include:
- The right to full control over its own borders, through which
they could import unlimited arms and soldiers;
- Since an independent state would control its own air space,
Israeli civilian and military aircraft would not be able to
overfly the area - or maintain current levels of military surveillance;
- A Palestinian state would also have the right to make agreements
with states hostile to Israel (Iraq, Libya, Syria...) ;
- A Palestinian state would control the mountain aquifer originating
in its territory, which supplies about 30 percent of Israel's
water and most of Israel's drinking water.
The Likud's vote on Sunday May 12th, 2002, rejecting the concept
of a Palestinian state, elicited a wide variety of responses from
Arafat, Sharon, the Labor Party and the general media.
Following the outcome of the vote, Sharon made a brief statement
saying he would honor the decisions of his party's central committee,
but added:
"I will continue to lead the state of Israel and the people
of Israel according to the same ideas that led me always - security
for the state of Israel and its citizens and our desire for real
peace."
Labor
At the Labor Party Meeting on May 15th, 2002, MK Chaim Ramon, who
will be running against Defense Minister Binyamin Ben-Eliezer in
the next internal Labor Party elections, stated that since Israel
has no negotiating partner,
- Israel should withdraw from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank
and set up a fence on the 1967 Green Line, formerly known as
the 1948 Armistice lines.
- Ramon would favor the evacuation of the 210,000 Israeli Jewish
citizens from 12 Jewish neighborhoods that Israel as established
since 1967 in Jerusalem, including Jerusalem's Old City.
Ramon, Defense Minister Ben-Eliezer and former Prime Minister Ehud
Barak all saw the need to withdraw from disputed territories, in
order to avoid including within Israel a large Palestinian population.
- However, Ben Eliezer has now embraced a proposal to preserve
the status of the "basin of holy sites" (comprising
the Old City of Jerusalem) essentially unresolved, that is to
say, neither under Israeli nor Palestinian sovereignty.
- He also stated that the Palestinian state must be demilitarized
and that Israel must retain control of the airspace over the
Palestinian state.
- In recognition of the critical nature of demilitarization
to this agreement, Ben Eliezer declared that the state could
not come into being before it was possible to anchor this requirement
with the proper guarantees.
The Peres Plan
One week following the Likud's Central Party vote against a Palestinian
state, and three days after Labor Party colleagues Binyamin Ben-Eliezer
and Chaim Ramon each unveiled blueprints for a diplomatic solution
to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Foreign Minister Shimon Peres
released details of a diplomatic plan calling for the almost immediate
establishment of a Palestinian state.
- Peres explained on Army Radio that the growing possibility
of a nuclear Iran is behind his proposal to establish a sovereign
Palestinian state "within weeks". This would be done
without resolving any of the enduring conflicts between the
two people.
- Peres said that ending Israel's control over the Palestinians
is both a Jewish moral imperative and in the state's best security
interests.
- According to Peres, the Palestinians raised serious doubts
as to whether they are a viable partner for peace when they
rejected then US president Bill Clinton's proposals at Camp
David.
"It appears that as a result of the lack of trust created
by this rejection, another partner is needed to lend trustworthiness
to the negotiations and faith in their results," Peres
said.
He said this new partner is the body known as the "Quartet,"
made up of the US, the European Union, Russia, and the United
Nations.
Peres's plan is based on understandings he reportedly reached
earlier in the year with Palestinian Legislative Council Speaker
Ahmed Qurei (Abu Ala), who consistently denies any such understanding.
- Any peace plan needs to suggest steps that will be acceptable
to Israel and not be rejected by the Arab world, Peres said.
He said that the understandings he reached with Qurei were not
formally accepted or rejected, and are a logical way to bridge
both ideological gaps within Israel, and political gaps between
Israel and the Palestinians.
Arafat's Houdaibiyya Model
Meanwhile, while differing factions in the Israel Labor Party suggest
new solutions for a Palestinian state, PA chairman Yasser Arafat
had his own say in an address he made to the Palestine Legislative
Council in Ramallah on May 15th, 2002.
http://www.p-p-o.com/Eng/2002/5/KE15-5-2002-1.htm
Arafat maintained that the Palestinians should enter into an agreement
with Israel only until they can get the upper hand.
"Let us remember the Houdaibiyya Conciliation Accord out of
our concern for the national and pan-Arab interest of our people
and nation, and out of our concern for strengthening international
solidarity with your people and your cause."
The Houdaibiyya agreement was a 10-year peace treaty between Mohammed
and the tribe of Qura'ish. After two years, when Mohammed had improved
his military position, he tore up the agreement and slaughtered
the Qura'ish.
Mention of this agreement has been the underlying theme of many
of Arafat's speeches to his people starting from the very beginning
of the Oslo Accords.
POINTS TO PONDER
- In your opinion, how will leaving issues such
as the Old City of Jerusalem unresolved impact on the future?
How can Israel guarantee that a Palestinian state be demilitarized?
(Arafat and the PA already have 50,000 troops under arms.)
- How can Israel prepare a cohesive position
for the upcoming regional/international conference on Peace in
the Middle East?
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